The brutal toll of Boko Haram’s attacks on civilians

By Kevin Uhrmacher and Mary Beth Sheridan  |  WP

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ATTACKS ON CIVILIANS SINCE 2011 Circles are sized based on number of fatalitie

As the Islamic State’s attacks in Europe have captured the world’s attention, an ISIS-affiliated group has been waging an even deadlier campaign in Africa.

Hundreds killed when 20 attackers detonated coordinated blasts at police stations around a city. Fifty dead when suicide bombers, including women and children, attacked a market and camps housing people trying to escape the violence. Fifty Christians targeted and killed in a student housing area near a school.

People gather around burnt cars near a Catholic church after a bomb blast in Nigeria’s capital, Abuja, on December 25, 2011. (Sunday Aghaeze/Getty Images)
People gather around burnt cars near a Catholic church after a bomb blast in Nigeria’s capital, Abuja, on December 25, 2011. (Sunday Aghaeze/Getty Images)
Young girls fleeing Boko Haram walk past livestock burned by the militants on Feb. 6 in Mairi village, near Maiduguri. (AFP/Getty Images)
Young girls fleeing Boko Haram walk past livestock burned by the militants on Feb. 6 in Mairi village, near Maiduguri. (AFP/Getty Images)

These are a few of the hundreds of horrors wrought regularly by Boko Haram, an Islamist militant organization based in Nigeria, over the past six years.

[It’s not just the Islamic State. Other terror groups surge in West Africa.]

The group’s rise, some experts say, is attributable to government corruption and economic differences between the Muslim northern areas and more populous and prosperous Christian South.

While military forces have had some success regaining territory in the past year, Boko Haram continues to carry out attacks on civilians.

Last year was the group’s deadliest yet, according to the Armed Conflict Location and Event Data Project, which tracks civil unrest and political violence in Africa and Asia.

Researchers recorded more than 6,000 fatalities resulting from Boko Haram attacks aimed at civilians. Because the counts below include only attacks on civilians, and not battles over territory, they underestimate what some say is a total of 15,000 people killed by the group.

Deaths in attacks aimed at civilians, by month

Jan. 2015: A multi-day attack in the town of Baga left about 2,000 dead, some estimates suggest.
Jan. 2015: A multi-day attack in the town of Baga left about 2,000 dead, some estimates suggest.

Conflict in Nigeria, Africa’s most populous country, has spilled over into neighboring nations, including Cameroon, which recently launched a campaign to retake territory from the militants. Chad, Benin and Niger have also contributed soldiers to the fight.

How Boko Haram evolved

A government crackdown in 2009 led the group to turn to violence. In 2010, a jailbreak freed more than 700 inmates. Increasingly in the following years, militants carried out hundreds of attacks, many that killed more than 10, and some that claimed hundreds.

2011

114 dead in 32 attacks

Boko Haram was established in 2002 in Maiduguri, but it was years before it spawned an insurgency. By 2011, its fighters were attacking government officials, police and religious figures. That December, it launched a

suicide attack on a U.N. regional headquarters in Abuja.

2012

910 dead in 148 attacks

The insurgents increased the sophistication of their attacks, with a gunfire-and-bomb assault on government buildings that killed at least 185 people in January in the Northern city of Kano.

2013

1,008 dead in 108 attacks

As Boko Haram’s attacks grew more brutal, President Goodluck Jonathan declared a state of emergency in three states in the northeast. The U.S. government

designated Boko Haram a terrorist organization.

2014

3,425 dead in 220 attacks

The group gained international attention after its fighters kidnapped more than 200 schoolgirls, which prompted the global #BringBackOurGirls campaign. That August, Boko Haram announced it had established a “caliphate” in the expanding territory it controlled.

2015

6,006 dead in 270 attacks

Boko Haram declared its loyalty to the Islamic State. Troops from Nigeria, Cameroon, Chad and Niger launched an offensive that eventually recaptured many towns from the militants.

2016

422 dead in 36 attacks

Boko Haram has been forced from much of the territory it controlled, but it continues to carry out suicide

bombings in populated areas in northeastern Nigeria.

An aerial view of the destroyed town of Gwoza, Boko Haram's base in northern Nigeria, recently retaken by the Nigerians, on April 8, 2015. (Jane Hahn for the Washington Post)
An aerial view of the destroyed town of Gwoza, Boko Haram’s base in northern Nigeria, recently retaken by the Nigerians, on April 8, 2015. (Jane Hahn for the Washington Post)

As government forces have reclaimed territory, the group’s scorched-earth tactics have been on display.

“The scene was post-apocalyptic, an entire city destroyed. Almost every building, it seemed, had been ransacked or set on fire,” Washington Post reporter Kevin Sieff wrote last year after touring the group’s former capital city, Gwoza. “Schools were in ruin. Bodies decayed in a pile.”

Millions of Nigerians fleeing violence

A girl does laundry in the Dalori camp for internally displaced persons in Maiduguri, Nigeria, which houses close to 20,000 people. (Jane Hahn for the Washington Post)
A girl does laundry in the Dalori camp for internally displaced persons in Maiduguri, Nigeria, which houses close to 20,000 people. (Jane Hahn for the Washington Post)

Stopping the insurgency is not the only crisis Nigeria faces. More than 2 million Nigerians have been forced to leave their homes to escape the violence. The map below shows the number of internally displaced persons by country, as reported by the Internal Displacement Monitoring Center:

Recent estimate from the International Organization for Migration
Recent estimate from the International Organization for Migration

While it may not draw the attention of the West as frequently as the Islamic State, Boko Haram is one of the most devastating terrorist organizations in the world. Regaining territory from the group will only be the first step in a long process of healing the deep wounds it has inflicted.

Meet the Nigerian woman who Is building the fashion Amazon of Africa

Mfonobong Nsehe  |  Forbes Contributor

Olatorera Oniru is one of Nigeria’s most assiduous and ambitious young entrepreneurs. The 29 year-old lady is the founder of Dressmeoutlet.com, a Lagos-based e-commerce startup that retails fashion products sourced from across the globe. Dressmeoutlet.com strongly promotes made in Africa goods with the goal of retailing only the best 20% African designers. Olatorera continues to travel across Africa and beyond in search of unique treasures and creative manufacturers to retail on Dressmeoutlet.com and will be visiting China, United Arab Emirates, South Africa, Morocco, Ethiopia and Tanzania within the next coming months. She enjoys going into the most rural of areas – learning, mingling and discovering unique treasures and natural resources that can be converted into luxury fashion apparel, shoes, jewelry and accessories.

Dressmeoutlet.com ships worldwide and currently has customers in different states across Nigeria, Uganda and the United States of America. The company now employs more than 20 full-time employees and will officially launch with a sales and exhibition event in Lagos, Nigeria on May 22nd, 2016. With years of experience from top companies including Bank of America Merrill Lynch, Ericsson, Central Bank of Nigeria and General Electric, Olatorera Oniru is successfully building Dressmeoutlet.com into a fashion e-commerce powerhouse and currently has funding offers from notable investors including Nigerian investor Tony Elumelu.3e0d191f509e166327921eca243b1eca

I recently had a chat with Olatorera to learn more about her entrepreneurial journey and what she is doing to ensure Dressmeoutlet.com grows into one of Africa’s most successful online retailers.

Tell me about your personal, educational and professional background?

I grew up partly in Nigeria and the United States of America. I attended primary school at Maryhill Oyo, middle school at Queens College Lagos and high school at Leesville High North Carolina.

In 2008, I graduated Cum Laude Honors with a degree in Business Administration/ Management and Entrepreneurship from NC A&T State University where I had served as a Senator for Academic Affairs, Founder and President of the Association of African Students, Tutor for Disability and Support Services, Campus Lead for Monster’s Diversity Leadership Program and during a time when I had also worked for General Electric under the Financial Management Program Internship.

Upon graduation, I accepted an excellent opportunity to work for Bank of America Merrill Lynch as a Senior Analyst for the Global Markets and Investment Banking group attaining my 2nd Fortune 5 company work experience. Working for Bank of America Merrill Lynch sums up one of the absolute best times of my life – working on Wall Street in the world’s greatest city that never sleeps – New York City, while leading million dollar initiatives supporting the optimization of revenue by investment bankers. I was one of the analysts at Merrill Lynch that led the 2009 Global Asset Services Initiative to integrate Merrill Lynch systems with Bank of America’s after the industry buyout and consolidation during the 2008 financial Industry crisis. During my employed years at Merrill Lynch, I also served as co-founder and president of Network of African Professionals in New York and as a Junior Board Member of CASA-NY (Court Appointed Special Advocates New York).

Uncertainties over President Buhari’s secret alliance with radical Islamic leaders

Guardian News | Houston, TX

Nigerian President Muhammad Buhari 0n, November 23, 2015 met with the Islamic Revolution Leader Ayatollah Khamenei in Tehran, Iran.
Nigerian President Muhammad Buhari November 23, 2015 met with the Islamic Revolution Leader Ayatollah Khamenei in Tehran, Iran.

There are ambiguities over a speculated secret collaboration of Nigeria’s president, Muhammadu Buhari, with unspecified major Muslim leaders to make Nigeria a major Islamist state. International Guardian sources reveal that Buhari’s 2011 and a part of 2014 presidential run were actually sponsored by some radical Muslim leaders who were guaranteed of Buhari’s victory and promised that Nigeria would be delivered to their fraternity in his tenure.

An aide who recently defected from the All Progressive Congress, and who worked directly with some Muslim leaders in Africa and Middle East to negotiate  support of Buhari’s campaign told our newsroom on strict anonymity that he was deceived into such mission, and that he was not briefed properly. “My impression was to raise fund – only to find out later that there were other deals made behind closed doors that I cannot just talk about now.”

It may be recalled that President Muhammadu Buhari’s first practical foreign diplomatic move after his inauguration in April 2015 was  to grant a visa to a fleeing ‘ISIS Emir’, and a Lebanese fugitive, Ahmad al-Assir who was later arrested at the airport. He had changed his appearance by shaving his beards, and was trying to escape to Nigeria through Cairo with fake Palestinian travel document that had a valid visa, according to the Lebanese authorities. His arranged Nigeria’s escape swiftly raised questions about a possible collaboration of Assir with the Nigeria’s new regime.

Furthermore, in November, President  Buhari had visited Iran to attend the Gas Exporting Countries Forum (GECF), but according to the defected aide, it was actually an appreciation visit as well as a brainstorming meeting on how both countries could collaborate on  similar sectarian structures. Guardian gathered that Iran’s former President, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad who left office in 2013 was the one who initiated Buhari’s support in 2011 in a race that claimed hundreds of lives in sectarian violence following Buhari’s loss.

A Nigerian visa was granted to this fleeing ‘ISIS Emir’, and a Lebanese fugitive, Ahmad al-Assir. He was later arrested at the airport.
A Nigerian visa was granted to this fleeing ‘ISIS Emir’, and a Lebanese fugitive, Ahmad al-Assir. He was later arrested at the airport.

Buhari’s romance with Iran unfortunately hit a major snag when he accepted the invitation of the King, Salman Bin-Abdulaziz al-Saud of Saudi Arabia and that of the Ruler of Qatar, Shaikh Tamim Bin Hamad al-Thani, both who allegedly supported his race against Jonathan. He secretly enrolled Nigeria in Saudi’s led coalition of Muslim countries against terrorism, denying such engagement. Months later, he finally admitted joining the partnership in an interview with Aljazeera, claiming “We are part of it because we have got terrorists in Nigeria that everybody knows, which claims that they are Islamic.”

Buhari in Saudi Arabia.... he accepted the invitation of the King, Salman Bin-Abdulaziz al-Saud of Saudi Arabia and that of the Ruler of Qatar, Shaikh Tamim Bin Hamad al-Thani, both who allegedly supported his race against Jonathan.
Buhari in Saudi Arabia…. he accepted the invitation of the King, Salman Bin-Abdulaziz al-Saud of Saudi Arabia and that of the Ruler of Qatar, Shaikh Tamim Bin Hamad al-Thani, both who allegedly supported his race against Jonathan.

Arab countries such as Qatar and the UAE indicated interests in the coalition, as well as Middle Eastern, Asian and African states including Turkey, Pakistan, Malaysia and Nigeria. Saudi Arabia’s regional rival Iran and its allies Syria and Iraq were excluded from the alliance, despite the states sharing a common enemy in the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) group.

Islamic Revolution Leader Ayatollah Khamenei also lost interest with Buhari after the Nigerian military launched an attack on a Shia Muslim group in one of the country’s northern city, killing numerous members, and brutally arresting the spiritual leader Ibraheem Zakzaky and his wife. Iran quickly issued a strong warning to Nigeria to release Shi’ite cleric and leader of the Islamic Movement of Nigeria (IMN), Sheikh Ibrahim El-Zazaky. Iran was at the time involved in a diplomatic brawl with Saudi Arabia following the execution of another renowned Shia cleric, Sheikh Nimr al-Nimr,

The Nigerian Army Confirms a brutal arrest of this Shia Leader, Sheikh Zakzaky.
The Nigerian Army Confirms a brutal arrest of this Shia Leader, Sheikh Zakzaky.

Our newsroom reliably gathered that some Muslim countries which initially indicated interest in working with president Buhari are now slowing down to weigh options over Buhari’s inconsistency with foreign policy. “I believe they are still weighing his loyalty. He is not focused, and don’t seem to understand what foreign relations is all about. Muslim countries are a different politics, and trust is the key. He doesn’t seem to be trusted,” a former diplomat with the Iranian Ministry of Foreign Affairs said.

arrives mecca
President Muhammadu Buhari prays in Medina in Saudi Arabia.

One of the Muslim countries solidly behind Buhari’s campaign is Morocco. “I know that some representatives from the campaign had a meeting with the regime during election, but I cannot speak on that issue,” an aide had confirmed to the Guardian during then election period in 2015. It may be recalled that the Moroccan monarch, King Mohammed VI rejected a request from the then President Goodluck Jonathan for a telephone conversation, saying it was an “inappropriate” move by the Nigerian leader to curry electoral favor just weeks before a crucial poll. A row thus erupted between both countries and resulted to Morocco’s recall of its ambassador to Nigeria.

After Buhari’s inauguration, however, the Moroccan Ambassador to Nigeria, Mr. Mostafa Bouh met with Buhari assuring that his country was ready for a renewed relationship with Nigeria. “The new relations is for the good of both Morocco and Nigeria. I am here to give the President- elect a message from the King of Morocco. The message is for greetings and best wishes from Moroccan people.”

Buhari administration more corrupt than Goodluck Jonathan?

By   | IBT

File photo, NNPC Towers, Abuja : Till date petroleum hawkers hoover around the corporate headquarters of the state-run Nigerian National Petroleum Corp. (NNPC) in Abuja, doing black business.
File photo, NNPC Towers, Abuja : Till date petroleum hawkers hoover around the corporate headquarters of the state-run Nigerian National Petroleum Corp. (NNPC) in Abuja, doing black business.

Nigeria’s state-run oil firm is withholding billions of dollars in revenue from the government’s coffers despite President Muhammadu Buhari’s war on corruption, according to a report published Thursday by the Natural Resource Governance Institute, a New York-based watchdog. Under Buhari’s administration, Nigerian National Petroleum Corp. failed to remit $4.2 billion — 66 percent of proceeds — to the treasury in the second half of last year, the report revealed.

The company, aka NNPC, raked in $6.3 billion from its crude oil sales in the second half of 2015, but only $2.1 billion entered the government’s account. While some of the company’s withholdings cover known costs, NNPC has not fully explained other expenses.

“This was 12 percent higher than the withholdings under Goodluck Jonathan in 2013 and 2014,” authors Aaron Sayne and Alexandra Gillies said in the report, obtained by International Business Times. “Corruption aside, allocating $4.2 billion in six months to NNPC expenses of unknown priority raises serious questions about fiscal responsibility.”

The report said it would be cheaper for the Nigerian government to finance its record $30 billion budget for the 2016 fiscal year by reining in NNPC spending rather than through outside borrowing. Nigeria expects to spend more than a third of its federal revenue servicing its debt this year, up from 26 percent last year, the country’s Debt Management Office said this month.

“The Finance Ministry has floated plans to fund this year

New NRGI analysis shows the problem of unchecked #NNPC revenue retention remains unfixed. http://www.resourcegovernance.org/analysis-tools
New NRGI analysis shows the problem of unchecked #NNPC revenue retention remains unfixed. http://www.resourcegovernance.org/analysis-tools

’s appropriations with a further $5 billion in loans from the World Bank and other lenders. These lenders, along with Nigerian stakeholders, should ask hard questions about the blank check enjoyed by NNPC before giving a green light to new debt,” the authors warned in the report.

Buhari, who was elected in March of last year on an anti-graft and anti-terrorism ticket, has vowed to clean up corruption within the state-owned oil firm. A  report published last summer by the National Resource Governance Institute found the NNPC withheld about $12.3 billion from the sale of 110 million barrels of oil over 10 years during the administrations of Presidents Goodluck Jonathan and Umaru Musa Yar’Adua.

Since taking office in late May, Buhari has appointed himself as the petroleum minister, fired the entire board and executive directors of the NNPC and hired a Harvard-educated lawyer as the company’s managing director to lead reforms. But Thursday’s report suggests there’s still much work to be done.

“The leadership could build on gains made to date by clarifying the financial relationship between the NNPC and the state. Otherwise, oil sector corruption and waste could return to their prior devastating levels once the president leaves office or prices rise,” the authors said in the report.

https://installmentloanline.com

Neither Rain Nor Snow Nor Lack Of Address Will Stop These Deliverymen

The drivers for Metro Africa Xpress get a good salary — and a cool uniform. People say the outfits make the drivers look like "RoboCop on the street." ( Photo/MAX Africa)
The drivers for Metro Africa Xpress get a good salary — and a cool uniform. People say the outfits make the drivers look like “RoboCop on the street.” ( Photo/MAX Africa)

NPR – Finding people’s homes in Nigeria is a nightmare. ZIP codes don’t exist. House numbers are random. In poorer areas of the city, there’s no such thing as urban planning. Houses are built wherever people can find a plot of land, for example. And many parts of the city aren’t mapped out on GPS. Then, of course, there’s the traffic.

So imagine how tough it must be to be a delivery person for one of the country’s new e-commerce websites. A customer might order, say, a supply of diapers. Delivery might be promised within three days. Only the diapers arrive a day late — because the couriers simply couldn’t locate the house.

That’s a story that Adetayo Bamiduro and Chinedu Azodoh, two Nigerian tech entrepreneurs who met at MIT, have heard many times before in a dozen different ways. Like many of their peers in Lagos’ booming tech scene, Bamiduro, 32, and Azodoh, 26, wanted to use technology to not only fix the problem but also address social issues in Nigeria — specifically its high youth unemployment rate.

And that’s how Metro Africa Xpress was born. The app connects motorcycle drivers to Nigerian e-commerce companies to deliver goods to customers in less than three hours — a time frame unheard of before then. In the process, they hope to create a skilled, forward-thinking labor force.

Over the past three years, the e-commerce industry in Africa has skyrocketed, thanks to a handful of online retailers like Jumia and Mall for Africa and a growing middle class. But a big bottleneck is getting the product from the transportation hub to a customer’s doorstep, a term called “last-mile delivery” in the biz. From the duo’s research, they found that a whopping 50 percent of deliveries in Nigeria were late.

“It’s very hard to deliver products in the last mile in Africa,” says Bamiduro. “It’s not like New York City, where it’s easy to [find locations]. We don’t have that in many cities in Africa.”

The MAX app, which Bamiduro and Azodoh developed with a team at MIT, alerts the nearest available driver — called a “MAX Delivery Champion” — to a customer order on demand, much like Uber. This helps ensure the drivers find and fulfill delivery jobs quickly and efficiently.

They combine Google Maps data with the street smarts of their local drivers. When a champion delivers a package to a new place, they tag it in MAX’s customized mapping software for future reference.

“The first time to a new place is always difficult,” says Azodoh. “But after they put it in the system, the second and third deliveries will be much easier.”

Currently, the app serves small- to medium-size online retailers in Lagos. Large e-commerce companies have their own delivery system, explains Bamiduro.

To appeal to investors, they framed MAX as a commercial enterprise, not a social impact company — even though that’s how they see themselves. Bamiduro, who is currently fundraising for MAX in New York City, believes that’s how they were able to raise “seven figures” from venture capitalists. Azodoh holds down the fort in Lagos.

As of March, the six-month-old company’s 23 drivers are delivering an average of 150 packages a day in Lagos. They work with more than 300 online retailers to serve as a cheaper alternative to global delivery services like UPS or DHL. They’ve dropped off passports, jewelry, letters, dress shoes, and $200 in cash.

Unlike many Nigerian companies, Bamiduro and Azodoh put workers at the heart of their business.

They pay their “champions” twice the salary of any motorcycle dispatch service in town, about $200 a month or more. They offer health insurance, safety training and workshops on how to save money. For many of their drivers, it’s the first time they’ve received money directly into a bank account.

Some of their drivers are married with kids. Others are migrants who have fled from northeast Nigeria, a region threatened by the terrorist group Boko Haram.

“The only way to eliminate poverty is to give people an opportunity to earn their money, not get handouts or freebies,” says Bamiduro, who cites the Grameen Bank, which gives small loans to the poor, as an inspiration.

“We want to change the mindset for Africans and have them think about the future — not living day by day,” says Bamiduro. “We want our drivers to know: It’s OK to be a MAX champion for now, but we want you to save money and say, in two years, get a college degree or a certification that allows you to get a white-collar job.”

“We’re a steppingstone for a brighter future,” he adds.

To help them along the way, they let drivers pay a monthly installment to purchase a motorcycle if they don’t already have one. The drivers can use it for other jobs after their time with MAX or for personal use to help cut transportation costs, which can take up to 30 percent of the average worker’s monthly salary of about $75, says Bamiduro.

Over the next few months, the partners hope to expand to two other cities in Nigeria, adding 1,500 employees to their network. In the next five years, they aim to be in Ghana, the Ivory Coast and Senegal, creating a total of 20,000 more jobs.

Perhaps one of the biggest perks of working for MAX, drivers say, is the cool outfits: futuristic body armor made of silver and gray padding and molded plastic over a black mesh shirt. A bright red helmet and leather cutoff gloves complete the look.

“The first time they come back from a delivery,” says Azodoh, “Drivers tell us, ‘People love how we look and want to take pictures with us. They tell us we look like RoboCop on the street.’ “

Nigeria apologizes for fuel woes as frustration mounts

File photo of Nigeria's pump woes. Currently, fuel lines stretched for more than a kilometer (half-mile) on Friday in Nigeria's capital because of a fuel shortage in sub-Saharan Africa's top oil-producing country.
File photo of Nigeria’s pump woes. Currently, fuel lines stretched for more than a kilometer (half-mile) on Friday in Nigeria’s capital because of a fuel shortage in sub-Saharan Africa’s top oil-producing country.

ABUJA, Nigeria (AP) — Fuel lines stretched for more than a kilometer (half-mile) on Friday in Nigeria’s capital because of a fuel shortage in sub-Saharan Africa’s top oil-producing country.

Drivers in Abuja groaned and shouted in frustration when one station closed because it was apparently out of fuel.

Smaller lines formed outside private gas stations charging higher than the government rate, and young men lined highways waving cans of fuel that is often adulterated and damaging.

Nigeria’s oil minister, Emmanuel Ibe Kachikwu, apologized on Tuesday for the shortage which has left many travelers stranded on highways this week.

Kachikwu told the Senate that the government is “pained” by the crisis and promised to bring an end to the disruption by the second week of April. Analysts, however, say it will take longer to resolve a shortage they say is the product of longstanding refinery issues and pipeline outages.

During his Senate appearance, Kachikwu also apologized for responding to earlier questions about the fuel shortage by stating that he was “not a magician.

He said, however, that the energy problems Nigeria’s government inherited when it took over last year were “unbelievable.”

The problem lies primarily with Nigeria’s aging refineries “which are not functioning effectively even when they are well supplied,” said Charles Swabey, oil and gas analyst at London-based BMI Research.

These deficiencies have been exacerbated recently by unplanned pipeline outages that have created more uncertainty in domestic supply, Swabey said. The outages include those caused by attacks on strategic oil and gas installations in the southern Niger Delta.

Some consumers suspect some oil marketers in Nigeria are creating the shortage for profit.

“There’s fuel, they just refuse to sell it,” cab driver Muhammadu Jakawa said.

One year ago, Buhari promised to change Nigeria

Buhari still has adequate time to turn his fortunes around, but he must be wary of the kind of executive arrogance that undid Jonathan's party and government.
Buhari still has adequate time to turn his fortunes around, but he must be wary of the kind of executive arrogance that undid Jonathan’s party and government.

 

When Nigerians rouse from sleep on April 1, they will again head for filling stations to join the now de rigueur queues for Premium Motor Spirit.

By Fisayo Soyombo
By Fisayo Soyombo

This is no big news; queueing for hours at petrol stations has been the most recurring item on the itinerary of Nigerians not only for the past month, but also for the third spell in the past three months.

What is news is that when these same people woke up exactly one year ago, the majority of them trooped to the streets in jubilation. Three hours and 47 minutes into that day, opposition candidate Muhammadu Buhari was declared president-elect.

But while Nigerians hailed Buhari as a Messiah of sorts, they forgot to remind themselves that no Nigerian leader, democratic or dictatorial, had ever succeeded in delivering socioeconomic prosperity to the masses.

There was something familiar about the sheer joy that was unleashed on the streets of Nigeria on April 1, 2015.

More than five decades ago, on October 1, 1960, when Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa accepted the symbols of Independence from the Queen of England and cheerily declared that he was “opening a new chapter in the history of Nigeria”, it was to the delight of millions of citizens.

Elites clutched at their radios as devout Catholics would the Rosary, listening as the sonorous voice of Emmanuel Omatsola blared from Race Course, Lagos: Nigeria is a free, sovereign nation. Pupils holidayed; and when they returned to school, they were served unusual rounds of sumptuous meals and handed lovingly petite green-white-green flags.

But for all of Balewa’s education and popularity in international circles, his reputation for championing northern interests did little to foster unity and stability in Nigeria’s delicate multiethnic set-up. Both power and life were taken away from him in a coup six years later.

When Nigeria returned to democracy in 1999, after decades of torture at the hands of the military, the scenarios were repeated. Olusegun Obasanjo, a retired soldier who was on the throes of death in prison, was suddenly, miraculously handed democratic power.

Obasanjo had admitted that “the entire Nigerian scene is very bleak indeed, so bleak people ask me: where do we begin?” But he also promised to fight corruption, restore public confidence in governance, build infrastructure. Millions of overjoyed Nigerians believed him – the worst civilian government is better than the best military regime was the popular reasoning at the time.

In his book, This House Has Fallen, published a year into Obasanjo’s presidency, British journalist Karl Maier had written: “The government spends up to half its annual budget on salaries of an estimated two million workers… yet the civil service remains paralysed, with connections and corruption still the fastest way to get anything done. Up to 75 percent of the army’s equipment is broken or missing vital spare parts. The Navy’s 52 admirals and commodores outnumber serviceable ships by a ratio of six to one. The Air Force has 10,000 men but fewer than 20 functioning aircraft.”

Sixteen long years later, it is heartbreaking to see that these are still some of the issues dominating Nigerian political discourse.

Gloom of Buhari’s victory

Caveat: this is not an appraisal of Buhari’s reign – not yet. But some of his first words as president-elect back in 2015 were: “You voted for change and now change has come.”

Goodluck Jonathan’s presidency ended with a biting fuel scarcity that suffering masses felt would accompany Jonathan out of office. On the anniversary of Buhari’s victory, that scarcity they so despised is exactly what they’re grappling with. There are no noticeable improvements in erratic power supply, the unhealthy economy, the dearth of jobs. No “change”, really.

Buhari still has adequate time to turn his fortunes around, but he must be wary of the kind of executive arrogance that undid Jonathan’s party and government.

It is the same type of arrogance that made Minister of State for Petroleum, Ibe Kachikwu, declare in the face of the ongoing petrol scarcity: “One of the trainings I did not receive was that of a magician.” Only to tell prospective protesters days later: “Save your fuel, I am not going to resign” is dangerous.

That Femi Adesina, Buhari’s spokesman, told Nigerians a day earlier that: “If some people are crying that they are in darkness, they should go and hold those who vandalise the installations” betrays Buhari’s administration’s intolerance of criticism and suggests possible abdication of leadership.

Just in case Buhari has forgotten, in May, when he will have completed a quarter of his term in office, Nigerians will not only be carefully assessing the state of his “change” agenda, they will also be wondering if his party deserves to be retained in 2019.

Fisayo Soyombo edits the Nigerian online newspaper TheCable.

The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeera’s editorial policy.

 

Fire destroys market in Nigeria’s second largest city, Kano

Traders salvage their goods in Sabon-Gari market in Kano, northern Nigeria, after a fire gutted some 400 shops, November 2, 2008. A fire in March has destroyed about $10 billion worth of goods at the market.
 Traders salvage their goods in Sabon-Gari market in Kano, northern Nigeria, after a fire gutted some 400 shops, November 2, 2008. A fire in March has destroyed about $10 billion worth of goods at the market.

By   | Newsweek

Over the weekend—near the end of the Christian observance of Holy Week—a fire broke out in Kano’s Sabon Gari market. It eventually destroyed 3,800 shops, according to the Nigeria Emergency Management Administration (NEMA), obliterated at least 2 trillion naira (approximately $10 billion dollars) worth of goods, and affected at least 18,000 traders. The NEMA director general said, “This is the biggest market fire outbreak Nigeria has ever witnessed. This is a serious calamity.” (Despite the magnitude of the disaster it has not been reported in the mainstream Western media.)

There was a previous fire in the market only five months ago. The Emir of Kano, Malam Muhammadu Sanusi II, called on the federal and state governments to investigate the causes of recent fires at Kano markets and schools. The emir is the former governor of the Central Bank who blew the whistle on the national petroleum company’s failure to remit revenue to the national Treasury during the administration of the previous president, Goodluck Jonathan.

Kano’s Sabon Gari, the “foreigners’ quarter,” is often called the largest settlement of ‘non-indigenous’ people in northern Nigeria. Its population is made up of ethnic groups from all around the country, with the Igbo especially prominent. Most of the indigenous population of Kano is Hausa-Fulani, who are typically Muslim. Sabon Gari residents, on the other hand, are often Christian. The Sabon Gari is also known for its freewheeling atmosphere in otherwise observant Muslim Kano, with the ready availability of beer and prostitutes. Kano has been the site of ethnic and religious clashes in the past. Though not of late, Boko Haram has been active in Kano.

Officials are saying that the fire is electrical in origin, and it spread rapidly because there was nobody in the market shortly after midnight. This is plausible. Market fires are common. Even this weekend, there was another large market fire in Birnin Kebbi, capital of Kebbi state. Senate President Bukola Saraki commented on March 27 that fires in markets around the country were negatively affecting gross domestic product. Nevertheless, there is speculation that the fire in Kano’s Sabon Gari market was the result of arson, and that it involved Boko Haram. Boko Haram has carried out big operations before around the principal Christian holidays, and the Sabon Gari market would be a tempting target. Arson could also have been perpetrated because of ethnic and religious hostilities. Thus far, no group has claimed responsibility for the fire. It is to be hoped that the federal and state authorities will respond positively to the emir’s call for a thorough investigation.

Nigeria’s Buhari Asks US for Help in Returning Stolen Assets

U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry meets with Nigerian President Muhammadu Buhari at the Nuclear Security Summit at the Walter E. Washington Convention Center in Washington, March 31, 2016.
U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry meets with Nigerian President Muhammadu Buhari at the Nuclear Security Summit at the Walter E. Washington Convention Center in Washington, March 31, 2016.
Reuters – Nigerian President Muhammadu Buhari has asked the United States for help in returning stolen Nigerian assets stashed in U.S. banks as part of his efforts to crack down on corruption, according to a statement from his office Thursday.

Buhari made the request during a meeting with U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry on the sidelines of a two-day nuclear security summit in Washington.

“President Buhari sought and received an assurance from Mr. Kerry that the United States government will facilitate the repatriation of all stolen Nigerian funds found within the American banking system,” his office said.

Buhari told Kerry it would “greatly help our country if you assist us to recover all our stolen funds which we can establish to be within your financial system,” according to the statement.

It said Kerry assured Buhari the United States would help and said U.S. officials would meet with the head of Nigeria’s Economic and Financial Crimes Commission to discuss further cooperation.

State Department spokesman John Kirby confirmed that Kerry had offered “continued U.S. support to locate and help with tracing and investigating looted funds, as we have done for Nigeria in the past.”

In 2014, the United States took control of more than $480 million that former Nigerian dictator Sani Abacha and his associates had siphoned away into banks around the world.

Washington has broad powers to track suspicious funds and enforce sanctions against individuals.

U.S. stands ready to help diversify Nigeria’s economy

U.S. stands ready to help Nigeria diversify its economy beyond oil, an assistant regional secretary said at the U.S. Institute of Peace. Photo by sakhorn/Shutterstock
U.S. stands ready to help Nigeria diversify its economy beyond oil, an assistant regional secretary said at the U.S. Institute of Peace. Photo by sakhorn/Shutterstock

WASHINGTON, March 30 (UPI) — The United States stands ready to assist Nigeria in diversifying its economy beyond the oil sector, a regional U.S. secretary said from Washington, D.C.

The International Monetary Fund warned the impact of lower crude oil prices were adding pressure to a Nigerian economy in need of deep structural reforms. The country’s oil-dependent economy has struggled under the strains that have emerged since crude oil prices first dropped below the $100 per barrel mark in 2014. From the pressure of oil prices alone, the government’s deficit doubled to about 3 percent of the gross domestic product last year.

Linda Thomas-Greenfield, the U.S. assistant secretary for African Affairs, told officials gathered at the U.S. Institute of Peace the country has an "incredible" opportunity for growth if it utilizes its natural resources, including oil and gas, effectively.
Linda Thomas-Greenfield, the U.S. assistant secretary for African Affairs, told officials gathered at the U.S. Institute of Peace the country has an “incredible” opportunity for growth if it utilizes its natural resources, including oil and gas, effectively.

About half of the Nigerian population lives on less than $1.25 per day. Plagued by problems ranging from terrorism to corruption, the country has been struggling to address deep-rooted economy gaps.

Linda Thomas-Greenfield, the U.S. assistant secretary for African Affairs, told officials gathered at the U.S. Institute of Peace the country has an “incredible” opportunity for growth if it utilizes its natural resources, including oil and gas, effectively. For inclusive and broad-based expansion, however, she said Nigeria needs to look beyond energy.

“There are areas in which we stand ready to partner with Nigeria to help the government advance important goals, including increasing non-oil revenue,” she said.

In early March, Nigerian Petroleum Minister and Director of the Nigerian National Petroleum Corp. Emmanuel Kachikwu said the state oil company would be divided into 30 independent companies in an effort to address corruption and revenue losses.

Nigeria is the No. 8 oil exporter to the United States, behind Kuwait, sending 78,000 barrels per day to the country for the week ending March 18. That’s down 251,000 bpd from the previous week, but up substantially from the 14,000 bpd sent during the same week last year.

Full-year Nigerian oil production has held steady at around 1.8 million bpd, though energy companies working in the country have had to halt operations at times because of security threats.

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