It is time to legalize gaming in Houston, or what do you think?

Four years ago, when I ran for City Controller, I argued that the City of Houston should take the lead on legalizing gaming in Texas to capture more revenue for city services from all the money leaving our community and going to casinos in Louisiana and Nevada.


By Carroll G. Robinson

In 2018, the United States Supreme Court legalized sports betting nationwide.  If Houston had lead on legalizing gaming we would have the money to afford Pay Parity between Firefighters and Police Officers. We would also be able to hire more police officers and pay to upgrade our water and sewer system without a rate increase.

 It’s time to bring poker rooms and eight liner slot machine operators (and others) out of the back rooms and into the light to help reduce crime, properly regulate these establishments and allow the city to collect its fair share of revenue.

 I am once again calling for the legalization of gaming in Houston. It’s time for a voter referendum to allow Houstonians to generate more revenue for the city without having to raise our property taxes or our water and sewer bills.

It’s time for us-the people of our city-to lead the way on a solution for pay parity and reducing crime and finally benefit from the gambling already going on in our city.

 If you are willing to sign a petition to legalize gaming and vote for a referendum to do so in Houston, please let me know and share this message through your social media. Contact me directly >>>

Carroll G. Robinson, Esq.

Hon. Robinson is the former Chairman, City of Houston Transportation, Technology and Infrastructure Committee; Former Vice Chairman, Houston-Galveston Area Council Transportation Policy Council (H-GAC TPC) and Associate Professor of Public Administration, Barbara Jordan-Mickey Leland School of Public Affairs, Texas Southern University

Omowole Sowore – an activist, a revolutionist or an inglorious hooligan?

Revolution breeds anarchy. Political activism becomes hooliganism when they are engineered by unscrupulous political vandals with ulterior motives.

So when the owner of the Sahara Reporters Mr. Omowole Sowore was arrested by security agents for his planned violent protests against the Nigerian government, some activists went on the air to preach the civil liberty gospel. The major argument was that arresting this activist in a protest that has not occurred is undemocratic because no laws have been broken. That makes sense, but utterly nonsensical in practical terms.


By Anthony Obi Ogbo


The basic way to manage domestic terrorism is to wrestle the symptoms and mitigate them. Leaders who fail to follow this rule are often caught up with horrendous incidents where they would end up counting dead bodies.  As I write, the United States of America are reeling from yet more gruesome sights of violence and death when in less than 13 hours and nearly 1,600 miles apart, two mass shootings left at least 29 dead and 53 injured.

SOWORE (right). In some of the videos he posted in the social media, he incited young folks to joining his cause – suggesting unrestricted resistance and possible showdown. Such proposals would definitely leave any law enforcement with several options to mitigate chaos as well as investigate possible violations. 
 

Sowore’s arrest triggered a long thread of disagreement in the social media about the empirical meaning of the term “revolution.” Some defended Sowore’s proposed revolution as a mere protest because there were no violent undertones, whereas others suggested that his call might bring violence and anarchy. In fact, some compared the current administration with the previous regime of Dr. Goodluck Jonathan – arguing that the latter offered unprecedented freedom to his opposition. But democracy does not work like that.  If indeed the former President Jonathan failed to prosecute vandals who threatened his regime with violent revolution that might not be democratic but a clueless display of idiocy.

In political governance, the severity of a call for a revolution would depend on the actors, their conduct, and political environment.  But for Nigeria, a nation which has endured a horrific civil war, multiple coups, and several destructive and violent protests, a call for a revolution by a controversial group or individual might not just be overlooked by any meaningful law enforcement.

There is no doubt that the word “Revolution” is broad and lacks unambiguous meaning in basic definition. Also, most scholars would agree that the universal objective of any revolution would be to facilitate a transformation from an existing state to a higher level of system success – which may or may not be violent. However, in political governance, the severity of a call for a revolution would depend on the actors, their conduct, and political environment.  But for Nigeria, a nation which has endured a horrific civil war, multiple coups, and several destructive and violent protests, a call for a revolution by a controversial group or individual might not just be overlooked by any meaningful law enforcement.

Sowore’s latest case is basically a misleading political venture. From all indications, he wanted to be arrested so as to build a political base from a socially vulnerable populace who would see him as a hero. He was the Presidential Candidate for the African Action Congress (AAC), a party he founded. However, he failed terribly in the election. 

His political career crumbled soon after the election, when in July, a Federal High Court in Abuja validated his suspension in his own party. He was suspended February 23, for allegedly engaging in anti-party activities. This was when Sowore switched his title to “comrade.”

His political career crumbled soon after the election, when in July, a Federal High Court in Abuja validated his suspension in his own party. He was suspended February 23, for allegedly engaging in anti-party activities. This was when Sowore switched his title to “comrade.” He quickly consulted prominent activists opposed to the regime to market his project. He used his social media platform to share videos advocating a violent revolution in a proposed nationwide protest scheduled for August 5, 2019.” In his own words, Sowore vowed, “This is just a rehearsal of what is going to be the biggest revolution in this country”, claiming that some “big wings” in the opposition parties especially the PDP had already accepted it as a new face in the country.

Sowore’s latest case is basically a political venture. From all indications, he wanted to be arrested so as to build a political base from a socially vulnerable populace who would seem him as a hero. He was the Presidential Candidate for the African Action Congress (AAC), a party he founded. However, he failed terribly in the election.

Based on Sowores proposals, we may not need to recite any laws to assess his objectives. He is a self-acclaimed revolutionist who wants to lead a violent rebellion against his government. In some of the videos he posted in the social media, he incited young folks to joining his cause – suggesting unrestricted resistance and possible showdown. Such proposals would definitely leave any law enforcement with several options to mitigate chaos as well as investigate possible violations. 

Just a little background – Sowore  is not a new name in current Nigeria’s leadership crisis. He is not a part of the current government, but the role he played during the electioneering season that elected the incumbent leaves him without further introduction in the Nigeria’s political history.  He operated the Sahara Reporters, an internet controversial news blog which he started and operated at the time in his Manhattan’s studio apartment.

He untruthfully claimed that Sahara Reporters was set up to fight corruption and wrong government practices – thus received undisclosed grants from both the Ford Foundation and Omidyar Foundation. Contrary to these objectives,  Sowore was accused of using this platform as a bargaining tool to court unscrupulous politicians whom he collaborated with to blackmail the previous regime headed by Dr.  Jonathan.

He untruthfully claimed that Sahara Reporters was set up to fight corruption and wrong government practices – thus received undisclosed grants from both the Ford Foundation and Omidyar Foundation. Contrary to these objectives,  Sowore was accused of using this platform as a bargaining tool to court unscrupulous politicians whom he collaborated with to blackmail the previous regime headed by Dr.  Jonathan.

For instance, the regime accused Sowore of  receiving a $5m mansion-gift from the major opposition party, the All Progressives Congress (APC). The regime claimed Sowore is being bribed to use his online news platform to “mislead and hoodwink gullible and highly brainwashed Nigerians through highly biased, junk, sensational and sectional journalism.” But Sowore denied the allegations, describing President Goodluck Jonathan as a “cheap blackmailer and liar’. In fact, Sahara Reporters at the time published an unsubstantiated poll which showed that Dr. Jonathan “would be defeated by 75% if pitched against Buhari”  in the 2015 general election.

But besides the aforementioned trade of accusations and counter-accusations, Sowore’s collaboration with the APC in pulling down the incumbent at the time to elect this current regime remains as clear as spring water. He supported unequivocally, all fabricated campaign propaganda orchestrated by the opposition and promoted editorial columns and video blogs tailored to frantically destroy the structure of Nigeria’s politics in order to pave way for his opposition collaborators.

So the issue is how such a character could turn around and become a “Comrade” overnight  in the same democratic structure he painstakingly destroyed. Do not get this wrong.  Sowore has the right to agitate his grievances with the regime or their policies. In a democracy, the statutory functions of civil liberty is not negotiable. The regime cannot authoritatively interfere with the citizens’ rights to peacefully assembly, protest, speak out, or advocate a redress of policies. But it must also be noted that in constitutional democracy where written laws direct all functions of the government, a call for a revolution could be treasonable, especially where it is perceived to obstruct national security or public safety.

A protest or call for revolution loses the civil liberty protection where actors and actions or proposed engagements undermine the laws of the land. Furthermore, whereas freedom to protest is unequivocally legitimate, inflammatory communication systematized by actors loaded with ulterior motives to invoke ferocious actions might be subversive and felonious.

♦ Anthony Ogbo, PhD, Adjunct Professor at the Texas Southern University is the author of the Influence of Leadership (2015)  and the Maxims of Political Leadership (2019). Contact: anthony@guardiannews.us

Social media dialogue highlights the devastating effects of corporal punishment in the Nigerian school system

It started with a Facebook discussion forum and metamorphosed into a much more serious issue – the dire effects of bodily punishment in the Nigeria’s education sector. 


By Anthony Obi Ogbo

After watching a video of how the Russian President Vladimir Putin veered from a Victory Day Parade protocol in Moscow to embrace his former schoolteacher Vera Gurevich, a Nigerian social media commentator, Doris Chii Nwike, recanted her own school experience with teachers. This was not a joke.

“I don’t think I’ll ever stop to hug my maths teacher, Mrs. Okigbo and my Religious knowledge teacher Sister Rose – a Catholic Nun,” Doris wrote.  She continued. “Mrs. Okigbo flogged me mercilessly because I couldn’t make head or tail of what she teaches in mathematics, not only me but almost everyone. We take math lessons in fear! Sister Rose wields her cane with relish all the time; she relished pleasure in the canes and flogging. There is no pity in her dictionary, that is why till today, I find it hard putting any of my kids in a school being run by reverend sisters.”

But Doris was not done. In her narrative, not all her teachers were brutal. There was one teacher that she would hug any day. According to Doris, “When we would be assembling in the staff room to be punished, it is only Mrs. Florence Onyema Obiechina that would look at this lanky fair-skinned girl with a red birthmark on her left arm, and would motion me to kneel by her side to prevent Sister Rose from flogging me and my skin turning red. She will be the one I’ll give my hug and some of my other kind-hearted teachers.”

Doris Chii Nwike (left),  Mrs. Florence Onyema Obiechina… Doris’s experience highlights the disturbing effects of corporal punishment in the Nigerian school system

Doris’s account thus generated a long discussion thread of forum participants, mainly from Nigeria, narrating their own experience. Interestingly, Mrs. Obiechina joined the discussion thread to explain the secrets behind her successful classroom instructional strategies. According to Mrs. Obiechina, “I strongly believe that students can perform excellently well without being flogged. Flogging scares students and makes them hate the subject. A teacher who wants her students to perform well must have a good knowledge of the subject, lay a good foundation for the students and make serious efforts to instill knowledge into the students using instructional materials while ensuring active participation of the students in the class.”

In further explanation of what might contradict the traditional corporal punishment approach, Mrs. Obiechina, an alumni of the University of Winnipeg in Manitoba, Canada stated, “I taught with no cane and it worked perfectly for me since my students perform excellently well in all schools I was opportune to serve. Whenever I meet my students, they always show great appreciation.”

In Nigeria’s school system, corporal punishment remains a disturbing classroom supervision tool. Children are beaten, flogged, slapped, spanked, punched, or even kicked for violating common rules. They are hit with objects, ordered to kneel down  under severe weather for extended time periods, and in the other circumstances, restrained not only by teachers but also by elder pupils authorized to supervise newer ones.

In Nigeria’s school system, corporal punishment remains a disturbing classroom supervision tool. Children are beaten, flogged, slapped, spanked, punched, or even kicked for violating common rules. They are hit with objects, ordered to kneel down under severe weather for extended time periods, and in the other circumstances, restrained not only by teachers but also by older pupils authorized to supervise newer ones.

“I strongly believe that students can perform excellently well without being flogged. Flogging scares students and makes them hate the subject. A teacher who wants her students to perform well must have a good knowledge of the subject, lay a good foundation for the students and make serious efforts to instill knowledge into the students using instructional materials while ensuring active participation of the students in the class.”

Florence Onyema Obiechina

Last year, for instance, students were being tied to makeshift crucifixes and flogged with horsewhips for coming late to school. This happened in a private school in Abeokuta, Ogun State south-west Nigeria. After a public uproar, the police arrested three people, including a school principal suspected to be involved in the incident for questioning. 

In Nasarawa State,  a video of ruthless beating of some students of Government Science Secondary School Nasarawa-Eggon went viral on the social media, prompting the Commissioner for Education, Ahmed Tijani to ban corporal punishment in public schools in the state. He went further to announce that the State had established a committee to investigate this incident. His Ministry also issued a memo to all public schools informing the management of the various schools on the ban on corporal punishment.

Without the doubt, managing school children is not an easy task.  The challenge entails supervising a set of different individuals from different social and economic backgrounds; managing their conduct and conception levels; Creating a conducive learning environment to inspire their hope, improve learning, and reinforce their academic guidelines and required standards. Corporal punishment does not fit the aforementioned values. 

If nothing else, Doris’s account highlights one of the devastating effects of corporal punishment – a gap in the relationship between the teacher and student. Her closeness with her favorite teacher, Mrs.   Obiechina was based on her transformational teaching strategies – a teacher-student approach that prioritizes cultivation of knowledge as a foundation for success. This approach replicates a study by Clayton et al., which underscores how the foundational aspect of a positive school experience is reliant on positive impact of a strong teacher–student relationship.

Students cannot learn under excruciating circumstances of fear and tyranny perpetrated by instructors who they see as Killer-Dinosaurs. Thus, building relationships remain the most effective classroom management technique. This approach instills confidence, love, and knowledge in the learning system. It creates an encouraging environment where rules are hardly broken because students are more focused on academic accomplishments.  

This article does not advocate a disregard of lawlessness in the classrooms. Rather, it emphasizes a learning environment immune from torture and bullying. The setting must instill love, trust, hope, and aspiration. Good teachers are explicit about their expectations regarding classroom behavior. They often explain the rules and applied them in a non-brutal, fair-minded, and consistent manner.  The classroom should be a family not a torturing camp. 

♦ Anthony Ogbo, PhD, Adjunct Professor at the Texas Southern University is the author of the Influence of Leadership (2015)  and the Maxims of Political Leadership (2019). Contact: anthony@guardiannews.us

Fall of moral standards – fighting corruption must start from the school curriculum

A society is measured by the quality of undergraduates it produces and the moral character of those entering the work force. This is why they are considered the future leaders, and this is why they are believed to be the foundation of societal political and economic success. Unfortunately, in today’s Nigeria, Bachelor degree holders are the kingpins of corruption on the internet.  Some of these young men and women are so sophisticated and advanced in the internet fraud that the western world has to invent new technology to keep up with their crime wave



By Dominic (Big D) Ikeogu

One wonders why these young men and women would choose such lifestyle after their education career.  Does this means that they did not receive any lessons on ethics while in school?  Or do we just blame this on the quality of education they receive?

When I was in school, my lessons on values were very constructive.  I was thought upon graduation, to go out in the society and use my knowledge to make the world better. Other valuable lessons were:

  • Fighting for those who do not have the opportunity I had, and becoming their voice and hope
  • Fighting for injustice wherever they exist, and treating those under me with respect and dignity
  • Desisting from using my education to oppress others, and remaining fair to my enemies
  • Remain environmentally conscious, and making the earth a little be better than I find it
  • Remain conscious that taking bribery is morally wrong and would defeat the purpose of my degree
  • And finally differentiating myself from others and becoming a shimmering example to them to emulate

As they said, education makes a people easy to lead but difficult to drive; easy to govern but impossible to enslave. However, this is not true in Nigeria. This country has one of the highest level of education standards, yet majority are still enslaved with the worst corruption known to mankind.

But this quote from Bishop kukah got me thinking too:

” Nigeria Educational system surprising outcomes: The smartest student passes with first class and get admitted to medical and engineering schools, the second class student get MBA’s and LLB’s to manage the first class students. The third class students enter politics and rule both the first class and second class students. The failures enter the underworld of crime and control the politicians and business. And the worst of all, those who did not attend school at all become prophets and imams and start teaching bigotry and hatred and everyone follows them. What a paradox of life. This can only happen in Nigeria where corruption is the life blood and order and a way of ordinary life in this part of the world “

I appreciate Bishop Kukah for intelligently analyzing the deep symptoms –  describing the country as it is and highlighting the structure of their failure.

Finally, I could offer my own thoughts regarding solutions to corruption in the Nigeria society. Of course, it is necessary that the government both the state, local, and the federal government must have in place comprehensive ethical guidelines to regulate every employee. This document must be endorsed by every employee as covenant for moral decency.  Furthermore:

  • Government at all levels, must adopt the teaching of ethics in the school curriculum
  • Training on ethics must also be embedded in the workforce system. This could be applied to both the public and private sector.  
  • Effective or rather applicable penalty for ethical violations must be legislated to deter culprits as well as punish offenders.  

If these measures are strictly enforced, Nigeria as you know it today would gradually become corrupting-free within a substantial amount of time.

 Thank you for reading this piece and give me your honest feedback

@ ikeogud@gamil.com or respond to my Facebook page, click >>>

God Bless You.

BIG D – Dominic Ikeogu

The shame of amoral witchery: Obasanjo’s abuse of elder statesmanship

He led the most corrupt administration in the Nation’s history; groomed a gang dubious politicians and contractors who had raped Nigeria’s economy and political prospects almost beyond redemption.


By ANTHONY OBI OGBO

Eldership is not a position but a legacy of great sagacity. It is a title earned through the ability to influence subordinates through knowledge, sheer experience, understanding, unequivocal judgements, and commonsense. The core values of elder statesmanship are not just built on age, but grounded in virtues synchronized with ethics and kind-heartedness. 

In other words, it is fair to say that a former South African president, Nelson Mandela was an elder statesman. This clarification is necessary for most individuals or perhaps analysts who would erroneously refer to every aged politician or community leader as elder statesman with the least consideration of the values each of them live.

A former Nigeria’s President, Olusegun Obasanjo is one of such politicians unknown by those who followed his political choices and actions.  For clarity, Pa Obasanjo is an 82-old senior who has ruled Nigeria twice –  as a civilian and once a military junta, and who still has not giving up his hunger for absolute power. From 2007 when he concluded his service as his nation’s civilian leader, this man has not given up his drunkenness for power and public resources, rather, he had pervaded the political system in the most twisted manner; destroyed younger politicians who would not partake in his treachery and bullied others who still worshipped him like a demigod.  

As if this wasn’t enough, Iyabo, lashed out another frustration with a father she publicly disowned, stating “We, your family, have borne the brunt of your direct cruelty and also suffered the consequences of your stupidity but got none of the benefits of your successes.” 

But among almost a thousand descriptions of this former President by those who claimed they knew him, only his daughter, Dr. Iyabo Obasanjo has rendered his portrait with unimpeachable accuracy. One good thing about women is that they can tell their own blood better without forensic evidence. Hence, Iyabo knew her dad in-and-out, describing him as a “narcissistic megalomaniac personality” who would always “accuse someone else of what he so obviously practice.” 

As if this wasn’t enough, Iyabo, lashed out another frustration with a father she publicly disowned, stating “We, your family, have borne the brunt of your direct cruelty and also suffered the consequences of your stupidity but got none of the benefits of your successes.”  This was in 2013. 

Also, it may be recalled that in 2008, Pa Obasanjo’s own son, Gbenga, in an affidavit following a messy divorce case with his wife, Mojisola, accused this former president of having sex with his wife as an exchange for government contracts. I do not mean to dig up these issues about Pa Obasanjo, but his tenacious underhanded advances into Nigeria’s leadership system, from regime-to-regime,  necessitate making a few references of his ramshackle credibility and deceitful claims of eldership. 

But did he actually resign as an elder statesman? Not really. Obasanjo joined forces with the opposition and secretly began to trade-off confidential information in his possession to destroy PDP, the same party that drove him through two tenures of presidency. He wrote a public letter and fabricated destructive intelligence allegations to destroy the incumbent then, former President Goodluck Jonathan, whom he politically groomed and installed.

After his presidency tenure, when he became the  chairman of the Board of Trustees (BoT) of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP), Obasanjo handled his business selfishly, and mean-heartedly split his party into political in-groups. He created diminutive rebellious factions and positioned them to fight each other. After the aged leader was done, he cunningly resigned from his party’s top leadership position in 2012, claiming that he wanted to fulfill his duties as a statesman locally and internationally. 

But did he actually resign as an elder statesman? Not really. Obasanjo joined forces with the opposition and secretly began to trade-off confidential information in his possession to destroy PDP, the same party that drove him through two tenures of presidency. He wrote a public letter and fabricated destructive intelligence allegations to destroy the incumbent then, former President Goodluck Jonathan, whom he politically groomed and installed. But the major reason behind these ugly advances was because President Jonathan rightfully adopted a governance process that sidestepped Obasabjo’s despotic influence and selfish political demands –  a culture of appointing political leaders for elective offices behind closed doors – telling candidates when to run and when not to run for offices; and controlling all government offices like a flat screen with the remote.

So, with the aforementioned thesis of the evils of his political witchery, why would Obasanjo be trusted with policy-making thoughts and reflections? Earlier this week, he published another letter – a crafted fiction of mass-destruction which he addressed to President Buhari, warning that  “Nigeria is on the precipice and dangerously reaching a tipping point where it may no longer be possible to hold danger at bay.” What nonsense!

In Promoting President Buhari’s candidacy against the then incumbent, President Jonathan in 2015, Obasanjo said, “I hope that we will not have a coup – I hope we can avoid it.” This is exactly Obasanjo’s trademark – an illustration of hopeless rubbish with ulterior motives. 

With Obasanjo’s injurious influence, the issue becomes conceivable, on why any electorate who wants peace, progress, and unity in Nigeria would accord him any attention. Besides these controversial letters where he would usually fabricate allegations to throw his country into chaos, Obasanjo has consistently made damaging comments to ensure a failure of any regime that scorns his dubious advances. For instance, in Promoting President Buhari’s candidacy against the then incumbent, President Jonathan in 2015, Obasanjo said, “I hope that we will not have a coup – I hope we can avoid it.” This is exactly Obasanjo’s trademark – an illustration of hopeless rubbish with ulterior motives. 

Obasanjo is not an elder statesman but an over-aged wizard intoxicated by coercive power and arrogance. Within his eight-year presidency, he led the most corrupt administration in the Nation’s history; groomed a gang dubious politicians and contractors who had raped Nigeria’s economy and political prospects almost beyond redemption. Further, he ran an apprenticeship of dubious power merchants and lobbyists who infiltrate the system with crooked politicians.

Obasanjo is not an elder statesman but an over-aged wizard intoxicated by coercive power and arrogance. Within his eight-year presidency, he led the most corrupt administration in the Nation’s history; groomed a gang dubious politicians and contractors who had raped Nigeria’s economy and political prospects almost beyond redemption. Further, he ran an apprenticeship of dubious power merchants and lobbyists who infiltrate the system with crooked politicians.   Today, most of Obasanjo’s “students” are still within the boundaries of policy-making caucus, causing havoc in the system. 

But for Nigerians who still play the Russian roulette with their national unity, it must be noted that this region endured thousands of lives, punitive decrees, never-ending transition processes, absurd economic programs, and spiritual interventions to finally expunge the junta virus from their governmental system. Letters of Obasanjo therefore remain a dangerous option to sustaining this democracy. Finally, please note that Obasanjo is a choice not a constitutional obligation – therefore you may follow him at your own risk. 

♦ Anthony Ogbo, PhD, Adjunct Professor at the Texas Southern University is the author of the Influence of Leadership (2015)  and the Maxims of Political Leadership (2019). Contact: anthony@guardiannews.us

Melania’s Statue – Between Abstract Sculpture and Mediocrity of Imaginative Skills

The composition is vague and the image is too pale for Melania, a lady obsessed with fashion and style.

Within the boundaries of the wonderful world of abstractism and the adjoining values, this Melania Trump’s statue remains a sculptural blunder borne out of mediocrity of creative skills. The composition is vague, and the image is too pale for Melania, a lady obsessed with fashion and style.  

By Anthony Obi Ogbo

The photo – a resemblance of a worn-out overfed scarecrow is actually a wooden statue of First Lady, Melania Trump. It was created by Ales “Maxi” Zupevc, a local Slovenian artist who used a chainsaw to execute his motif. Funny enough, this statue was commissioned by Berlin-based American Artist Brad Downey. Already most people thought the statue was a disgrace but the sculptor literally believed that Melania’s signature Ralph Lauren blue suit he depicted in his artifice validated his creation.

Fine Art does not work that way – and that is why most impressionists or perhaps surrealists would be very careful about a contentious art-for-art-sake reputation.  Artists may create anything. In fact, art may be created to please the artist’s imaginative soul, but the piece must convey substantial standards. The composition must not just be exceptional but also, most significantly, radiate some philosophical vigor.   

Mona Lisa’s mystic smile was not an accidental strokes of brush. Leonardo da Vinci, who equally studied the anatomical structures of the lips knew where he was headed to with her model.  Thus he rendered his imagination tactfully and captured the supernatural expressions in Monalisa’s smiles. Wrote Walter Isaacson on how Leonardo da Vinci achieved some Mona Lisa’s mysteries:

“There is other science involved in the smile. From his optics studies, Leonardo realized that light rays do not come to a single point in the eye but hit the whole area of the retina. The central area of the retina, known as the fovea, is best at seeing color and small details. The area surrounding the fovea is best at picking up shadows and shadings of black and white. When we look at an object straight on, it appears sharper. When we look at it peripherally, glimpsing it out of the corner of our eye, it is blurred, as if it were farther away.”

Abstract in fine art remains a constructive impression.  Inspired by fantasy and nature, a British contemporary sculptor, Martin Debenham created stainless steel wire sculptures. He made constructivism very simple and stylish – using very flexible materials, complex twists, and bends of wires to mold home his masterpiece. His mermaid wire-piece is an abstract rendering of a mermaid siting on a rock by a lily pond in a calming posture.  Without the doubt, this piece conjures some mythical narratives that could woo any observer.

Martin Debenham’s mermaid wire-piece is an abstract rendering of a mermaid siting on a rock by a lily pond in a calming posture.  Without the doubt, this piece conjures some mythical narratives that could woo any observer.

Within the boundaries of the wonderful world of abstractism and the adjoining values, this Melania Trump’s statue remains a sculptural blunder borne out of mediocrity of creative skills. The composition is vague, and the image is too pale for Melania, a lady obsessed with fashion and style.  Abstract is a good form of fine art. It shows a departure from reality, and an expedition to the unknown through some imaginative actions to invoke creativity. The concept breeds freedom of thoughts and inspires visual connections and interpretations. However, artists down with Imaginative skills could hold on to this philosophy to escape a lack of imagination.

♦ Anthony Ogbo, PhD, Adjunct Professor at the Texas Southern University is the author of the Influence of Leadership (2015)  and the Maxims of Political Leadership (2019). Contact: anthony@guardiannews.us

Mayor Sylvester Turner and the Houston African Community

Mayor Sylvester Turner – turning his relationship with Houston Africans to the next level

To his credit, Mayor Turner initiated an international committee structured into business and community segments to guide him on matters about the foreign and refugee affairs. However, using a one-size-fits-all structure to coordinate a cluster of the diverse Houston population might not yield lucrative results.  An all-purpose advisory body basically denotes using a square peg in a round hole.

ANTHONY OBI OGBO

When on Saturday, April 27th, 2019 the Mayor of all of Houston, Sylvester Turner visited the Africa community, he made a heartfelt comment about how that moment was exceptionally personal to him. He was simply alluding to hereditary bond with this community, as well as  expressing his ancestral connectivity to Motherland Africa.

 

He was a special guest when Wazobia African Market opened its second location on  Beechnut.   Mayor Turner had skipped all other engagements and cleared almost half of the day to attend this event. He was enduring and actually showed up to the event before many guests. He felt at home mingling with his Motherland brethren. One could tell his tribe – authentic Igbo blood with an American accent. He ate with them, walked around the gigantic grocery store admiring shelves of fresh African food, booths of eateries, and cubicles of assorted African snacks.  In fact, he admitted that the “timing for Wazobia African Market could not happen soon enough since the city holds an unprecedented population of vibrant African residents.” 

Turner in a private campaign fund-raising event hosted by an African resident during his bid for office late 2015

_______________________

 

He was right. The population of Africans in Greater Houston is growing in geometrical progression. Africans  have virtually colonized the Southwest side and beyond in alarming numbers as homeowners, business proprietors, and community advocates. In fact, Houston witnessed how during Hurricane Harvey recovery efforts, how various African groups including churches, civic and social clubs joined other local communities and agencies to facilitate several recovery projects.

 

However, since Turner, 62nd Mayor of Houston assumed office on January 2, 2016, his relationship with his African brethren has been fragile – creating a gap between him and the core African community leaders whose influence in Houston’s political playfield have puffed-up over the period. But the political clouts of this community remain a heavy-duty feat and was in fact tested during Mayor Lee P. Brown’s bid to become the city’s first Black mayor in 1997.

 

 

I could recall how an association of cab drivers from Houston and surrounding cities shut down their services to shuttle voters to the polls;  or how a long list of African business owners wrote checks; or even how a lineup of spiritual leaders declared a season of prayers and spiritual warfare to suppress all Mayor Brown’s electioneering opponents. This is the African community we know. They collaborated with Mayor Brown all through his regime and inspired what kept his government alive through the finishing lines of success.  

 

 

The African community had mobilized their professionals, residents, businesses owners, community and spiritual leaders and embrace a massive crusade to elect Mayor Brown.  I could recall how an association of cab drivers from Houston and surrounding cities shut down their services to shuttle voters to the polls;  or how a long list of African business owners wrote checks; or even how a lineup of spiritual leaders declared a season of prayers and spiritual warfare to suppress all Mayor Brown’s electioneering opponents. This is the African community we know. They collaborated with Mayor Brown all through his regime and inspired what kept his government alive through the finishing lines of success.  

 

 To his credit, Mayor Turner initiated an international committee structured into business and community segments to guide him on matters about the foreign and refugee affairs. Tagged the Mayor’s Advisory Council of New Americans, this group encompasses community representatives who provide the Mayor, City Council, the City with recommendations on policy engagements.

 

However, using a one-size-fits-all structure to coordinate a cluster of the diverse Houston population might not yield lucrative results.  An all-purpose advisory body basically denotes using a square peg in a round hole. This approach cannot offer the Mayor a flexible path to collaborating with core ethnic groups in a city categorized as one of the most diverse in the continent.  Houston is globally known as the melting pot of cultures, races, religions, and ethnicities including the international communities.  Each of these groups has unique characteristics and require specific approaches to deal with.

 

 

Representatives MITDC-AFRICA understood the African community, their politics, accent, and their cultural idiosyncrasies, and was able to provide substantial information that impaced the African community in a timely manner. In fact, during Hurricane Harvey, MITDC-AFRICA would have played a completely different role in corroborating relief information.

 

 

 

Mayor Turner’s predecessor, Annise Danette Parker did something different. He consolidated on The Mayor’s International Trade & Development Council – AFRICA (MITDC) initiated during Mayor Brown’s regime.  The MITDC-AFRICA directly delivered the City’s initiative to the core stakeholders of the African community – home and abroad. The representatives of this group understood the African community, their politics, accent, and their cultural idiosyncrasies, and was able to provide substantial information that impacted the African community in a timely manner. In fact, For example, during Hurricane Harvey, MITDC-AFRICA would have played a completely different role in corroborating relief information.

 

I could recall in 2015, when the Former President of the Republic of Nigeria was scheduled to speak at the Texas Southern University (TSU). A collaboration of the MITDC-Africa and the Planning committee at TSU led to the mobilization of one of the largest Nigerian gathering in Houston’s history over policy affairs. In the past, MITDC-Africa coordinated African delegations in Houston and allowed them greater access and awareness about impending opportunities that could be shared directly to the African community.

 

Predominantly Nigerians, Houston is the fourth largest city in the United States and holds the highest concentration of African citizens. Thus, Mayor Turner could take his relationship with his brethren from the Motherland to the next phase – an upper level of shared interest, collaborative measures on the communal partnership and political support.  I am not done. This Mayor could strategically create a rapport with this community and work with their leaders as partners on policy-making engagements regarding their collective interests. He could mobilize their support for both his reelection bid and other community matters. I am still not done.  These aforementioned measures are not just fundamental in building a strong bond between Mayor Turner and the Houston African community, but also, they are an ancestral call to boldly proclaim his Motherland kinship.   

 

♦ Anthony Ogbo, PhD, Adjunct Professor at the Texas Southern University is the author of the Influence of Leadership (2015)  and the Maxims of Political Leadership (2019). Contact: anthony@guardiannews.us

Abubakar Bukola Saraki’s ‘Ambassadorial Propaganda’ instigated to boost a battered political career

Abubakar Bukola Saraki’s ‘Ambassadorial Propaganda’ instigated to boost a battered political career

By ANTHONY OBI OGBO

For those who may have already forgotten, Dr. Abubakar Bukola Saraki is the Nigeria’s current Senate President who lost his reelection bid. Regretfully and most humiliatingly too. For instance, he had bragged about his influence in the most despicable manner and touted his dogmatic ego as a fearless area “godfather.” So when his defeat came, he could not but hide his face. For instance, in the National Assembly elections held in his constituency in Kwara State, Senator Saraki, who contested on the platform of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) crumbled helplessly, losing to his All Progressives Congress (APC) rival, Ibrahim Oloriegbe. To add to his bruises, Senator Saraki also lost all four of the local governments in his senatorial district and could not even deliver his base to his party’s presidential race.

 

So, after months of this humiliation, Senator Saraki had to look for a podium to save his dismantled political realms. This opportunity finally came two days ago from his obscure basement – through his Media Office, that the Senate leader has been nominated an International Human Rights Commission Ambassador.

 

In the most crooked descriptive manner, they made it appear like an Ambassador of the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC), which is indeed a United Nations body whose mission is to promote and protect human rights around the world. But Senator Saraki’s International Human Rights Commission (IHRC) is actually an unfamiliar local civic association registered 2014 in Ukraine to create an international network to observe conflict zones in just that region.

 

Of course, Senator Saraki is free to join any group or association that appeals to his interest. However, it should not be a ‘breaking news’ that a Senate President of Africa’s most populous country joined a strange group monitoring conflict zones in Ukraine – especially, where his own people in Kwara State need more monitoring and observing as regards security and rights abuse. 

 

To make it worse, a so called Ambassador Friday Sani, introduced as the “Diplomatic Head of the Commission to Nigeria and other African Countries”, is in fact, another Nigerian member of the organization – a self-acclaimed ambassador helping Senator Saraki to perpetrate this campaign to excite his base saddened by his miserable election outing. Just read Sani’s comment, as he offers life-support to the tumbled Senate head:

“Besides, the Commission is not unmindful of the maturity that you recently displayed in the face of an obvious provocation in your constituency during the last Presidential and National Assembly elections.”

 

Which maturity? What is matured about losing an election, accepting defeat and going home? It is an inescapable responsibility to lose and get out of the way  – nothing to do with maturity.  The most disappointing part of this story is not by any chance an attempt by Senator Saraki and his media team to override his ballot letdown through a deceptive campaign. Nope. The disappointing part is that almost all major Nigerian media outlets, bloggers, and social media chatterers copied and pasted this release without a scrap of research or basic inquiry. 

NOT THE SAME….In the most crooked descriptive manner, they made it appear like an Ambassador of the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC), which is indeed a United Nations body whose mission is to promote and protect human rights around the world. 

 

Of course, Senator Saraki is free to join any group or association that appeals to his interest. However, it should not be a ‘breaking news’ that a Senate President of Africa’s most populous country joined a strange group monitoring conflict zones in Ukraine – especially, where his own people in Kwara State need more monitoring and observing as regards security and rights abuse. 

From unpaid salaries in his own Kwara constituents through a total lack of internal security, his unpopular defection from the APC to PDP, unprecedented revolt from his own people, and a long list of corruption cases, Senator Saraki’s political anguishes are a predictable saga.  Salvaging such woes require more than a misleading media publicity in form of breaking news stories. Senator Saraki must realize that his people are still unhappy with his unproductive years in government. Salvaging that trend requires a more holistic approach rather than a prevailing drum-beating arrogance. 

 

This piece is not intended to denigrate an already politically battered Senator, but simply, a disapproval of gravely disastrous leaders who would tread on vulnerability of the constituents they have practically ruined.  

 

This piece is not intended to denigrate an already politically battered Senator, but simply, a disapproval of gravely disastrous leaders who would tread on vulnerability of the constituents they have practically ruined.  Senator Saraki, and all other politicians rubbished by the dust of 2019 General Elections in Nigeria should wake up to reality, and show that they are true leaders, not selfish overbearing charlatans. They should reexamine the damages they have caused on their regions, their people, and resources placed under their care, which by the way they fraudulently took away.  They should not run away to Dubai. No. They must stick around and collaborate with their successors on reforming a catastrophic governmental system they cultivated.  

♦ Anthony Ogbo, PhD, Adjunct Professor at the Texas Southern University is the author of the Influence of Leadership (2015)  and the Maxims of Political Leadership (2019). Contact: anthony@guardiannews.us

Nigeria’s election – why the major opposition, PDP crashed in the presidential race

Nigeria’s election – why the major opposition, PDP crashed in the presidential race

ANTHONY OBI OGBO

This article is not an endorsement of the recently concluded presidential election because in Nigeria’s dysfunctional electoral system, the party which rigs the most wins the race. However, this paper investigates in clear terms, the parties, their candidates, and their preparedness in handling their election challenges.

Africa is a continent fraught with governance issues. At the root of its problems is a single but multi-faceted factor that the process of choosing the right leader through a credible election is yet to be institutionalized and modified to meet the integrity standards. This is further complicated by an unfair power of incumbency structure – a pattern where the incumbent presides over an election in which he or she contests. Unlike developed countries where the electoral process is significantly structured without interferences, Africa continues to walk the democratic path the other way. Although choreographed and muscled into subjugation of this cluttered selection process, the defenseless masses also play supporting roles as they cheer and enable the worst leaders in their domain.  

 

In Nigeria’s just-concluded Presidential elections, The People Democratic Party (PDP) failed to unseat their rival, the incumbent, President Muhammadu Buhari who ran under the All Progressive Congress.  President Buhari, faced off with Atiku Abubakar, a former vice president and bombastically wealthy business leader who represented the PDP. Of course, there was a line-up of other party candidates on the ballot, but the race was clearly a two-man duel. Atiku however, described the polls as a “sham election”, rejecting the results and contesting it in the court system.

 

This current situation explains the structure of Nigeria’s shattered political system.  The ruling President, and indeed, his party, often reserved the ‘upper hand’ in supervising the elections process – making it difficult to challenge their incumbency. For instance, shortly before this election, the Buhari regime met with the defense service chiefs several times, reshuffled the electoral management, and apparently installed his trusted confidants in the core corridors of the process. Most importantly, Buhari brazenly reorganized the Supreme Court – a move that heated up the electorate. It was conclusively, a self-serving action to position himself favorably for possible post-election litigation. Without a doubt, these actions were carried out strategically to protect this incumbent from any poll surprises. That is just the power of incumbency in Nigeria, structured by the system to weaken challengers.

 

Viewing from another perspective, the issue of election preparedness remains the major reasons for PDP’s political loss. First, the Party’s failure in 2015 polls disorganized it. In fact, for almost three years into Buhari’s presidency, the PDP, sunk in internal strife, remained a harmless and voiceless opposition. Broken to smithereens, they submitted to a free-for-all in-house leadership wrangle. Later, under the National Chairmanship of one Prince Uche Secondus, the party struggled helplessly in the murky waters of apathy, while the incumbent APC overran the network with campaign propaganda.

 

Broken to smithereens, they submitted to a free-for-all in-house leadership wrangle. Later, under the National Chairmanship of one Prince Uche Secondus, the party struggled helplessly in the murky waters of apathy, while the incumbent APC overran the network with campaign propaganda.

 

It appears history repeated itself. In the 2015 election where the PDP lost as the incumbent, a similar blunder occurred. While the APC were ceaselessly overrunning the voting population with campaign propaganda, incumbent President Goodluck Jonathan’s campaign coordinators were busy scrabbling and garnering funds for personal interests. It may be recalled that this sitting President and his wife at the time, did not even pass the election card- accreditation process – an indication that the digital voting system across the nation might have been  fraught with technical hitches and possibly, a breach of the  process. Even as President Jonathan and his wife were declined by the card readers at their home town, Otuoke in Bayelsa State; this President ignorantly missed the opportunity to question the integrity of the electoral process. The result was a miserable crash that has plagued the PDP since 2015.

 

Unlike the PDP, President Buhari and his APC handlers strategically mapped out a reelection roadmap way ahead of the Presidential Election. About eight months to this election, the APC repackaged their candidate Buhari, and made up enough excuses for his disastrous three-year outing.  Unfortunately, the PDP at the time was still far away from naming a candidate to challenge this dragon. To make up for a lack of a possible presidential flag bearer at the time, it embarked on a meaningless “Anybody but Buhari” campaign. This again, was where the PDP got it wrong. A proposal to replace a bad leader with just about anything is not a strategy. It is indeed an anthem for a failed opposition.

 

To make up for a lack of a possible presidential flag bearer at the time, it embarked on a meaningless “Anybody but Buhari” campaign. This again, was where PDP got it wrong. A proposal to replace a bad leader with just about anything is not a strategy. It is indeed an anthem for a failed opposition.

 

This article is not an endorsement of the recently concluded presidential election because in Nigeria’s dysfunctional electoral system, the party which rigs the most wins the race. However, this paper investigates in clear terms, the parties, their candidates, and their preparedness in handling their election challenges. While Buhari might not have been regarded as the best choice for Nigerians, his campaign was strengthened by the inactions of his challenger, Atiku Abubakar who was portrayed as having the tendency to share the national treasury with the wolves who surrounded his candidacy.

 

Yet the APC projected two campaign strategies to sugar-coat a catastrophic first term. They started with “Next Level” crusade, claiming that this incumbent was set to take the country into the next level of economic comfort zone of possibilities. A few months to the election, it launched another campaign – the “4+4” mantra – demanding the completion of another a 4-year tenure for their candidate. The opposition strategists failed to impugn Buhari’s strategists, nor did they provide a superior crusade. Sadly, PDP’s structure remained chaotic, unable to conceptually implement effective campaign strategies, as their enthusiasts sporadically engaged in innocuous social media rants.

 

To win an election, there must be strategic plans or convincing programs to sell to the electorates. But attempting to bribe voters or compromise election workers are definitely not the options for consideration.    Sadly, without any meaningful preparations, PDP and its candidate handed Buhari another 4-year tenure of potential policy vagueness. The question now is, would this opposition go back to a usual sleep and wake up a month before the next election in 2023 to resume an impossible electoral victory? The reality is, if any party is serious about unseating this incumbent government, it must start right at this moment.  Thus, PDP should go back to the drawing board, embark on self-process audit ad revisit its people, structure, and strategy.

 

♦ Anthony Ogbo, PhD is the author of the Influence of Leadership (2015)  and the Maxims of Political Leadership (2019). Contact: anthony@guardiannews.us

Nigeria’s search for an effective Leader – The obnoxious truth about the forthcoming presidential race

Two major presidential candidates are on the forefront- from the two largest parties. The incumbent, President Muhammadu Buhari of All Progressives Congress (APC), and a former Vice President, Atiku Abubakar representing the People’s Democratic Party (PDP).

Nigeria’s search for an effective Leader – The obnoxious truth about the forthcoming presidential race

ANTHONY OBI OGBO

It has indeed come down to this – a race Between Rightwing Dictator and an Established Thief

 

For over 58 years, Nigeria has been in search of leaders with the right motive and intelligence to truly move the country to a self-sustaining level. For a country blessed with natural resources, only an insignificant number live above the poverty line. Every four years, the country’s political atmosphere is charged as different personalities vie for the most exalted office of President of the Federal Republic Nigeria. Yet the country remains unlucky in electing effective leaders who will institutionalize ethical leadership, and steer the country to an enviable status from the current global embarrassment.

 

It is not news then that Nigeria’s General Elections will be held on 16 February 2019. The campaign by political parties have intensified at various constituencies, and in most cases rough, as loyalist engage each other at rallies and on social media. But two major presidential candidates are on the forefront- from the two largest parties. The incumbent, President Muhammadu Buhari of All Progressives Congress (APC), and a former Vice President, Atiku Abubakar representing the People’s Democratic Party (PDP).

 

These two candidates are not new in Nigeria’s political arena. Buhari who has been in office since 2015  was a Major General in the Nigerian Army and previously served as the Head of State from 1983 to 1985, after taking power in a military coup d’état that dethroned the Democratic Government at the time. Atiku was the Governor-elect of Adamawa State when he was selected by the then Presidential Candidate, Olusegun Obasanjo as his running mate. He served as the Vice President from 1999 to 2007.

 

Undeniably, he is not medically fit; during his first two years, he shuttled to-and-from unknown medical facilities abroad to attend to his constantly failing health. Atiku, on the other hand, has spent his time making lavish trips abroad while he courted local chiefs and political godfathers to explore his political options and chances.  Nonetheless, Atiku has visible investments in local and multinational corporations operating in Nigeria.

 

The purpose of this article is not to highlight the political history of these individuals. While the majority of voters are divided between the two major platforms, the APC and PDP, the choice of Presidency remains a tough call in a Nation currently dwindling through economic and sociopolitical turmoil. Currently, little or no progress has been made by the incumbent in addressing major issues bedeviling the country. From the economy through internal security, Buhari has fumbled without a blueprint and made flimsy excuses each time. Undeniably, he is not medically fit; during his first two years, he shuttled to-and-from unknown medical facilities abroad to attend to his constantly failing health. For a public servant who seeks to lead a country of over 200 million people, Buhari has continued to put on lid on his medical fitness. Atiku, on the other hand, has spent his time making lavish trips abroad while he courted local chiefs and political godfathers to explore his political options and chances.  Nonetheless, Atiku has visible investments in local and multinational corporations operating in Nigeria.

 

Unfortunately, Buhari’s first term has not yielded the projected fruits because he does not appear to have the answers to institutionalized corruption and economic challenges that Nigeria currently faces. Yet, voters are skeptical about Atiku due to his horribly scandalous transgressions as a public servant.

 

Unfortunately, Buhari’s first term has not yielded the projected fruits because he does not appear to have the answers to institutionalized corruption and economic challenges that Nigeria currently faces. Yet, voters are skeptical about Atiku due to his horribly scandalous transgressions as a public servant.

 

Personally, I have spent the last five years criticizing Buhari; his dictatorial demeanor, ignorance in matters of contemporary leadership, and blindness to political governance. In fact, in my book, Governance – The Buhari’s Way, I described him as the most dangerous bee that lands on a scrotum. “Punch it, you smash your manhood; leave it, and you are stung to death.” Yes, he is that killer-bee that perches on the balls, wheezing for a destructive sting. He was involved—one way or the other—in every Nigerian military rule since the 1966-1969 civil war; participated in coups; and, as a retired junta member, ran three presidential races without a scrap of success, until a coalition of parties determined to change the witless government of the day, gave him the platform that aided his electoral victory in the 2015 General Elections.

 

Atiku, on the other hand, is no good. He is one of those politician elites who prospered through public-fund looting.  Bombastically rich, Atiku shuttles rich cities in the Middle East and would swagger money, extravagant gifts, and young women.  Atiku’s fraud case with William Jefferson – a former Louisiana politician who served as a member of the U.S. House of Representatives for nine terms from 1991 to 2009 made global history.

 

Jefferson, infamous for having $90,000 in bribe money hidden in his freezer, is serving a 13-year prison sentence after being convicted on a slew of federal corruption charges.  One of the most puzzling and intriguing facets of the case is that Jefferson’s partner-in-crime Atiku, the Vice President of Nigeria at the time divided his time between his Vice President position and Potomac, MD., where he and one of his four wives maintain a $2.2 million mansion.  While Jefferson resides in a rent-free jail, Abubakar not only remains free but also, he is a Presidential candidate in a country where thieves are glorified. Unfortunately, it is leadership culture in Africa that most thieves do not go to jail, but occupy public offices. So, Atiku is no exception.

 

Buhari’s 2015 promise of fighting corruption is paralyzed by his inaction of reported sleaze around his protégés and trusted officials. This has become a major ethical burden to the Nigerian President.  Atiku, in this campaign moment, has paraded written pieces of literature about solving Nigeria’s moral issues. However, it would take a moral person to fight an immoral society. Atiku’s moral standing is still questionable.

 

The Presidential race beyond parties is clear; the voters would be left with two candidates that have no proven capacity to move the country forward. Burahi’s path for a moral society is a good proposal, but in both his years as a dictator and first term as an elected leader, he has shown a total lack of intellectual capacity to address matters of ethical governance. His 2015 promise of fighting corruption is paralyzed by his inaction of reported sleaze around his protégés and trusted officials. This has become a major ethical burden to the Nigerian President.  Atiku, in this campaign moment, has paraded written pieces of literature about solving Nigeria’s moral issues. However, it would take a moral person to fight an immoral society. Atiku’s moral standing is still questionable.

 

Notwithstanding the lapses these two candidates exhibit, today, they are barring fangs to tear each other apart in a Presidential race a week away. Voters should be worried, that Buhari even as a failed incumbent, has a challenger that may not be trusted with the country. One of the core doctrines of change in the political contest is not just a handover of the leadership baton. The challenger must be morally and intellectually upright; must tender convincing proposal for change; and must show knowledge of conversion of strategies into governance actions. So far, Atiku’s camp has been parading basic campaign posters of unsubstantiated policy proposals irrelevant to major issues of the moment.  

 

To be clear, this article is not an endorsement of any candidate but a synopsis of the uncertainties that befog Nigeria’s chances to attract a good leader in the forthcoming elections. The next best solution could have been a radical change initiated by a frustrated population. This might entail a disregard of the two major candidates for entirely somebody new for a holistic political detour. But the current political terrain would not support that option in a society where traditional and tribal connectivity still dominates social and political actions.

 

Without a doubt, this race might boil down to a choice between Buhari, a timid, nepotic but stingy rightist who would sit down on the national wealth without a clue about how to invest, and a lavish and irresponsible spender called Atiku, who could share the national treasury with the wolves that currently surround his candidacy.

 

So, voters might be faced with a choice between two candidates, one is a dictator, and the other an established thief. Without a doubt, this race might boil down to a choice between Buhari, a timid, nepotic but stingy rightist who would sit down on the national wealth without a clue about how to invest, and a lavish and irresponsible spender called Atiku, who could share the national treasury with the wolves that currently surround his candidacy.

 

Buhari’s battle with his health might yet not be over. So he might make more trips to fix himself. But Atiku has equally spent more time beyond the shores. He would lie to the nation that he was at a strategy meeting in Dubai, whereas he was busy meeting with unscrupulous money mongers that invest in his campaign. So, the choice is clear, between a weak, clueless, ailing incumbent who might still make many more trips abroad to heal a retiring soul, and a challenger whose fiscal recklessness, corrupt personality, and affiliation with dishonest political vandals might further sink Nigeria’s economy irreparably.

Either way, Nigeria continues the search for an effective leadership – it might take time.

_____________

♦ Anthony Ogbo, PhD is the author of the Influence of Leadership (2015)  and the Maxims of Political Leadership (2019). Contact: anthony@guardiannews.us

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